Saturday, August 3, 2013

Egypt Muslim Brotherhood Protests Underscore Hypocrisy of America's Islamists

America's leading Muslim Brotherhood legacy groups, including the Council on American-Islamic Relations (CAIR), the Islamic Society of North America (ISNA) and the Islamic Circle of America (ICNA), are demanding that the Obama administration take punitive action against Egypt in the wake of last week's shooting of Muslim Brotherhood demonstrators.

At least 81 Muslim Brotherhood demonstrators were
 killed in violent clashes with the Egyptian army. In calling for a stronger U.S. reaction, none of the groups mentioned the Muslim Brotherhood – the party of ousted Egyptian President Mohamed Morsi.

"We urge an end to the silence over the ongoing massacres of peaceful pro-democracy activists in Egypt by forces that receive billions of American taxpayer dollars," CAIR wrote in apress release
 Saturday.

In a
 similar press release Monday, ICNA appealed to Americans to contact the White House and the secretaries of State and Defense to demand immediate action against "the undermining of democracy and the suppression of freedom of expression in Egypt."

A more muted response came from
 ISNA on Wednesday, calling for an end to the bloodshed regardless of "[w]hether one agrees or disagrees with those calling for the reinstatement of an elected president..."

However, CAIR, ICNA and ISNA failed to express similar concern when Morsi's regime engaged in its own violence and repression against dissidents.

All three groups have Muslim Brotherhood connections to the Brotherhood.
 ISNA was created by Muslim Brotherhood members in the United States. CAIR was part of a Brotherhood network of Hamas-support groups called the "Palestine Committee." And ICNA's founders had ties to the Pakistani-based Jamaat-e-Islami, the Indian subcontinent's equivalent of the Muslim Brotherhood.

These American Muslim Brotherhood-aligned groups looked the other way while Muslim Brotherhood gangs
 beat up anti-Morsi protesters last December following Morsi's decree assuming emergency powers and Islamists attacked Coptic Christianity's holiest cathedral in April.

They similarly had no complaints when media reports showed that many in Egypt's Coptic Christian minority was
 barred from voting in December's constitutional referendum by Brotherhood activists. Silence was also the rule when the Egyptian National Council for Human Rights (ENCHR) found 1,137 examples of voting irregularities in Egypt's constitutional referendum.

"The new constitution will guide all Egyptian institutions and it should set out the vision for the new Egypt, one based on human rights and the rule of law: a document which is the ultimate guarantor against abuse. The constitution must guarantee the rights of all Egyptians, not just the majority," wrote Hassiba Hadj Sahraoui, Amnesty International's deputy director for the Middle East and North Africa,
 regarding Egypt's draft constitution in November. "But the approved draft comes nowhere near this. Provisions that purport to protect rights mask new restrictions, including on criticism of religion."

She also noted that the constitution "blocks the path to equality between men and women."

Concerns about the dictatorial, totalitarian tendencies of their Egyptian ideological allies were completely ignored by those who now are protesting loudly about the supposed end of democracy in Egypt.

The groups also had nothing to say when the Morsi regime
 shut down an inquiry into the Egyptian army's massacre of 30 Coptic Christians who were peacefully protesting in Cairo's Maspero district in October 2011.

When CAIR officials did comment during Morsi's tenure, they
 defended his actions and questioned opponents' motives.

"Why is the opposition & Mubarak remnants afraid of a [constitutional] referendum? Don't they trust the ppl of Egypt?" CAIR-LA Executive Director Hussam Ayloush
 wrote in a Twitter post last December.

They took a
 similar stand last month as millions of Egyptians took to the streets demanding Morsi leave office.

Neither Ayloush nor CAIR had anything to say about reports in the Egyptian press that anti-Morsi protesters were
 rounded up by Muslim Brotherhood militants and tortured at the presidential palace the next day.

They said nothing when comedian Bassem Youssef, also known as "Egypt's Jon Stewart," was
 arrested for "insulting Islam" and insulting Morsi in April.

The
 mass uprising against Morsi was triggered by a widespread belief that he ignored the country's daily needs and was more interested in monopolizing power for the Muslim Brotherhood and other Islamists. None of the U.S.-based groups acknowledges that context.

"It is of no surprise to us to see that CAIR is twisting facts and taken up the cause of terrorists inside Egypt," said Michael Meunier, president of Egypt's Al-Haya Party and a leader in the secular opposition to the Muslim Brotherhood. "Why was CAIR silent on the attacks by the Muslim Brotherhood on pro democracy protestors outside of the Presidential palace in July that lead to the killing of 9?"Or where was CAIR when the cathedral was attacked by the Muslim Brotherhood. CAIR should condemn the Muslim Brotherhood leadership for pushing the poorest of their supporters to attack the army and face death in order to gain more leverage for negotiate for safe exit for the corrupt leadership."

CAIR, ISNA and ICNA blanch when critics connect them to the Muslim Brotherhood. But their actions make it clear that loyalty to their Islamist ideology and to their Egyptian Muslim Brotherhood compatriots comes ahead of an even-handed approach to human rights.
 


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ACT for America
P.O. Box 12765
Pensacola, FL 32591
www.actforamerica.org


Friday, August 2, 2013

This "phony scandal" is coming home to roost right on Obamanation's door step

Issa Subpoenas the State
Department Over
Benghazi Documents
Katie Pavlich

8/2/2013 12:00:00 PM - Katie Pavlich

Chairman of the House Oversight Committee Darrell Issa has issued two subpoenas to the State Department. The subpoenas comes after months of stonewalling and non-answers surrounding the 9/11 terrorist attack on the U.S. Consulate in Benghazi which left four Americans dead.

“After ignoring requests for months, the State Department has left no alternative but to issue subpoenas for documents relevant to our investigation,” Issa said in a statement. “State Department tactics to delay and impede accountability have exhausted the Committee’s patience. Further subpoenas may also be necessary if the Department is not forthcoming on other requests.”

What the subpoena's contain:

Subpoena 1

All documents provided by the Department of State to the Accountability Review Board (“ARB” or “the ARB”) convened to examine the facts and circumstances surrounding the September 11-12, 2012 attacks on U.S. facilities in Benghazi, Libya.

All documents and communications referring or relating to ARB interviews or meetings, including, but not limited to, notes or summaries prepared during and after any ARB interview or meeting.

Subpoena 2

1. All documents that have been made available to the House Committee on Oversight and Government Reform for in camera review, including, but not limited to, the approximately 25,000 pages of documents referenced in the March 29, 2013 letter from Acting Assistant Secretary Thomas B. Gibbons to House Oversight and Government Reform Committee Chairman Darrell Issa.

Issa has already subpoenaed the State Department for information surrounding the talking points used by former U.N. Ambassador and Obama National Security Advisor Susan Rice on five different Sunday shows nearly a week after the 9/11 attack. During those show appearances, Rice blamed a YouTube video for the violence despite top officials, including former Secretary of State Hillary Clinton, knowing in real-time the situation was a terrorist attack.

8/2/13 Issa Subpoenas the StateDepartmentOver Benghazi Documents - Katie Pavlich
townhall.com/tipsheet/katiepavlich/2013/08/02/issa-subpoenas-the-state-department-over-benghazi-documents-n1654793/print 2/2

Why we need to remove our Muslim In Chief and his horde from the White House as soon as possible

Watch this video before it is pulled off the net.

Pass it along.

 
 http://downloads.cbn.com/cbnnewsplayer/cbnPlayer.swf?aid=11991
But aren't Muslims / Islam peace loving?

Enough said...


Thursday, August 1, 2013

Good Lord! Is there no limit to the corruption Liberals will stoop to push their destructive agendas on America?

I still cannot believe some of my friends are proud to call themselves liberals.  Just knowing you are in the same bed as the likes of George Soros, Michael Murphy, Nancy Pelosi, Harry Reid, the entire on air crew at MSNBC, Brian Williams, Al Sharpton, Jesse Jackson, Sheila Jackson Lee...I could go on...would make me really reconsider my thought processes.

Liberal Foundation Distributed Money from Bermuda to Liberal Nonprofits

CAP, Sierra Club, others received money from foreign dark money Sea Change Foundation

BY: Lachlan Markay

August 1, 2013 3:30 pm

A major left-wing foundation has received tens of millions of dollars from a shadowy Bermudan company with ties to wealthy American hedge fund managers and distributed those funds to prominent liberal nonprofit groups.

A sizable portion of the Sea Change Foundation’s revenue since 2011 has come from a single company, incorporated in Bermuda, called Klein Ltd. The company’s only officers are employees of a Bermuda law firm, and neither provided information on what Klein actually does.

Documents filed with the Bermudan government suggest that the company exists only on paper.
The money Klein has donated to Sea Change has been passed on to some of the largest liberal and environmentalist groups in the United States, including the Sierra Club, the League of Conservation Voters, and the Center for American Progress (CAP).

CAP, which attacked the U.S. Chamber of Commerce in 2010 for supposedly using foreign money for political purposes, has also received funds from the Bermuda-based Atlantic Philanthropies, as has its 501(c)(4) arm, the Center for American Progress Action Fund.

Speaking at a 2009 event held by the Action Fund, Nathaniel Simons, a foundation manager at and major donor to Sea Change, emphasized the importance of foundations in building a “low-carbon economy” but said that they needed to disburse more money to be effective.

“There does need to be more capital to move in from philanthropy,” Simons said. “There need to be more funders, and I think that foundations are starting to understand that.”

Since Simons made those remarks, Klein Ltd. has donated $23 million to the Sea Change Foundation, according to its 990 filings. The donations comprised more than 40 percent of total contributions to the group during fiscal years 2010 and 2011.

According to company documentation provided by the Bermudan government’s registrar of companies, 
Klein was incorporated in Hamilton, Bermuda, on March 18, 2011.

Its exclusive purpose, according to the company’s articles of incorporation, is to give money to nonprofit groups and foundations.

“The company will require all of its assets that would otherwise be available to its members generally to be transferred, on its winding up, to another body with objects similar to its own,” those articles state.

A number of left-wing foundations have chosen Bermuda and other offshore destinations to mask the origins of contributions, according to Ron Arnold, author of Undue Influence: Wealthy Foundations, Grant-Driven Green Groups, and Zealous Bureaucrats That Control Your Future.

“A number of Big Green donors have chosen offshore foundations for government-guaranteed anonymity,” Arnold said in an email. “Several countries have become favorites in the no-disclosure-required industry, notably Bermuda, Panama, and Liechtenstein.”

“Bermuda boasts an entire building devoted to plagues of lawyers handling secret trusts that funnel personal wealth into foundations which fund non-profit operations in the United States,” he noted.

The documents provided by the Bermudan government list two registered business agents, Nicholas Hoskins and Marlies Smith, both of whom work at the Bermuda-based corporate law firm Wakefield Quin.

The address for Klein Ltd. on file with the registrar of companies is theaddress of Wakefield Quin’s Hamilton, Bermuda, offices.

Hoskins did not respond to requests for comment. Smith confirmed that Klein is a Wakefield client. She would not say exactly what Klein does or from where it derives its revenue.

The only other donors to the foundation during the two years in which it received contributions from Klein were Nathaniel Simons, a trust bearing his name, and his wife, Laura Baxter-Simons, also a foundation manager at Sea Change.

While the connections between the Simons’ and Klein are not clear, they both have ties to Wakefield Quin through a pair of hedge funds.

Rod Forrest, senior counsel at Wakefield Quin, is listed as a director ofMedallion International Ltd. and Meritage Holdings Ltd., two hedge funds incorporated in Bermuda with ties to the Simons family.

Sea Change had $63.9 million invested in Medallion and $16.3 million invested in Meritage in 2011, according to its latest 990 filing. It had sold stakes in both by July 2012, earning the foundation more than $67 million in net capital gains.

Medallion is a fund run by Renaissance Technologies, which was founded by Simons’ father Jim.

Simons was identified as a principal at Renaissance in his 2009 CAP speech on the need for additional foundation funding. A spokesperson at the firm’s New York office said he does not currently work there.

Baxter-Simons was Renaissance’s associate counsel until 2011. She is currently the general counsel and chief compliance officer at Meritage Group L.P., which owns the Meritage Holdings fund.

According to a March 8 filing with the Securities and Exchange Commission, Simons is the chief executive of Meritage Holdings.


Voice mails left at that number and comment requests made through Meritage were not returned.

Booker T. Washington must have been a prophet

This passage below is attributed to Booker T. Washington, way back in 1911. Its almost as if he predicted the emergence of race mongers Al Sharpton, Jesse Jackson and Michael Eric Dyson.  As long as keeping racial tensions at a fever pitch keep these jackals in the limelight and with a feeling of relevance and power, race will always be a "problem" in this country.

‘There is a class of colored people who make a business of keeping the troubles, the wrongs and the hardships of the Negro race before the public. Having learned that they are able to make a living out of their troubles, they have grown into the settled habit of advertising their wrongs — partly because they want sympathy and partly because it pays. Some of these people do not want the Negro to lose his grievances, because they do not want to lose their jobs. … There is a certain class of race-problem solvers who don’t want the patient to get well, because as long as the disease holds out they have not only an easy means of making a living, but also an easy medium through which to make themselves prominent before the public.’

While Sharpton and Jackson are high profile figures, perhaps fewer know the ilk that is Professor Dyson.  Yes, he is a professor...at Georgetown University...teaching impressionable minds.  Recently on MSNBC (where else?) he had a rebuttal to Bill O'Reilly's talking points about starting a real conversation about race relations in the U.S.:

MICHAEL ERIC DYSON, GEORGETOWN UNIV. PROFESSOR: Why is it that when we say we want to have a conversation on race, you want a conversation on blackness? You don't want to have a conversation on race. You don't want to have a conversation on white privilege, unconscious bias. You don't want to talk about the collective world we made as black, brown, red, yellow and white people. You want to lecture black people.

So, Mr. O'Reilly, I'd love to have that conversation about protecting yourself behind white fences and FOX News and having digital courage. Come in the streets where you went to Sylvia, and you were surprised that black people don't throw bananas at each other or swing from trees.
And, on THE FIVE show, Juan Williams, a Democrat and a black man had this commentary on Dyson's diatribe above...

WILLIAMS: Can you believe that?
This is unbelievable on so many levels. But let me just start by saying this: he is making the charge basically that O'Reilly is portraying black people as animals, animals. And, of course, this never happened. This is not true.

O'Reilly, in fact, in the whole episode at Sylvia's, which O'Reilly and I talked about on the radio, was going on about defeating racial stereotypes in this society. But that's not what Michael Eric Dyson wants to do. He wants to hold up somehow that Bill O'Reilly is a racist and target of the conversation and therefore we should be about somehow going after Bill O'Reilly.

Well, who does that help? Let's think about that for a second. If this is a real conversation about helping people, if you truly love people, and want to help those in need, how does it help to go after conservatives, O'Reilly, white people, rich people? Let's go to the people who need help and give them help.
But that's not what Michael Eric Dyson is doing. Oh, no. When you start talking about -- well, are you doing anything to help the schools in the inner-city? No. What about the carnage on black streets with kids shooting each other? No.

What about, you know, any of the issues attached to family breakdown, 70 percent of children born out of wedlock? What about that? No.

So what we're doing here is a huge distraction. Yes, there's legitimate rage in the black community over the Zimmerman verdict, but the idea that we have to use the power that exists in this country to help people who are in need in the black community, that is an ongoing and longer story and you can't pull away from that by making Bill O'Reilly into your target and somehow beating him up. That's craziness.

Dana, when you see this kind of politicization of something -- you know, I apologize if I get emotional about it -- but it is so important we reach out to people in need, and not simply play this game, the political game.
So, I'm talking to you here, someone who knows politics, who knows communication. What is going on? Why does Dyson do that?

Blame it all on Bush! Obamanomics has nothing to do with these statistics...just paraphrasing what Jay Carney would say if a reporter in the Press Corps would ask about the state of our economy...Of course don't hold your breath on that happening - Press Corps reporters are Obamaphiles

4 in 5 in USA face near-poverty, no work

Hope Yen, AP Business Writer
4:12 p.m. EDT July 28, 2013

WASHINGTON (AP) — Four out of 5 U.S. adults struggle with joblessness, near-poverty or reliance on welfare for at least parts of their lives, a sign of deteriorating economic security and an elusive American dream.
Survey data exclusive to The Associated Press points to an increasingly globalized U.S. economy, the widening gap between rich and poor, and the loss of good-paying manufacturing jobs as reasons for the trend.
The findings come as President Obama tries to renew his administration's emphasis on the economy, saying in recent speeches that his highest priority is to "rebuild ladders of opportunity" and reverse income inequality.
As nonwhites approach a numerical majority in the U.S., one question is how public programs to lift the disadvantaged should be best focused — on the affirmative action that historically has tried to eliminate the racial barriers seen as the major impediment to economic equality, or simply on improving socioeconomic status for all, regardless of race.
Hardship is particularly growing among whites, based on several measures. Pessimism among that racial group about their families' economic futures has climbed to the highest point since at least 1987. In the most recent AP-GfK poll, 63% of whites called the economy "poor."
"I think it's going to get worse," said Irene Salyers, 52, of Buchanan County, Va., a declining coal region in Appalachia. Married and divorced three times, Salyers now helps run a fruit and vegetable stand with her boyfriend, but it doesn't generate much income. They live mostly off government disability checks.
"If you do try to go apply for a job, they're not hiring people, and they're not paying that much to even go to work," she said. Children, she said, have "nothing better to do than to get on drugs."
While racial and ethnic minorities are more likely to live in poverty, race disparities in the poverty rate have narrowed substantially since the 1970s, census data show. Economic insecurity among whites also is more pervasive than is shown in the government's poverty data, engulfing more than 76% of white adults by the time they turn 60, according to a new economic gauge being published next year by the Oxford University Press.
The gauge defines "economic insecurity" as a year or more of periodic joblessness, reliance on government aid such as food stamps or income below 150% of the poverty line. Measured across all races, the risk of economic insecurity rises to 79%.
Marriage rates are in decline across all races, and the number of white mother-headed households living in poverty has risen to the level of black ones.
"It's time that America comes to understand that many of the nation's biggest disparities, from education and life expectancy to poverty, are increasingly due to economic class position," said William Julius Wilson, a Harvard professor who specializes in race and poverty. He noted that despite continuing economic difficulties, minorities have more optimism about the future after Obama's election, while struggling whites do not.
"There is the real possibility that white alienation will increase if steps are not taken to highlight and address inequality on a broad front," Wilson said.
———
Nationwide, the count of America's poor remains stuck at a record number: 46.2 million, or 15% of the population, due in part to lingering high unemployment following the recession. While poverty rates for blacks and Hispanics are nearly three times higher, by absolute numbers the predominant face of the poor is white.
More than 19 million whites fall below the poverty line of $23,021 for a family of four, accounting for more than 41% of the nation's destitute, nearly double the number of poor blacks.
Sometimes termed "the invisible poor" by demographers, lower-income whites generally are dispersed in suburbs as well as small rural towns, where more than 60% of the poor are white. Concentrated in Appalachia in the East, they are numerous in the industrial Midwest and spread across America's heartland, from Missouri, Arkansas and Oklahoma up through the Great Plains.
Buchanan County, in southwest Virginia, is among the nation's most destitute based on median income, with poverty hovering at 24%. The county is mostly white, as are 99% of its poor.
More than 90% of Buchanan County's inhabitants are working-class whites who lack a college degree. Higher education long has been seen there as nonessential to land a job because well-paying mining and related jobs were once in plentiful supply. These days many residents get by on odd jobs and government checks.
Salyers' daughter, Renee Adams, 28, who grew up in the region, has two children. A jobless single mother, she relies on her live-in boyfriend's disability checks to get by. Salyers says it was tough raising her own children as it is for her daughter now, and doesn't even try to speculate what awaits her grandchildren, ages 4 and 5.
Smoking a cigarette in front of the produce stand, Adams later expresses a wish that employers will look past her conviction a few years ago for distributing prescription painkillers, so she can get a job and have money to "buy the kids everything they need."
"It's pretty hard," she said. "Once the bills are paid, we might have $10 to our name."
———
Census figures provide an official measure of poverty, but they're only a temporary snapshot that doesn't capture the makeup of those who cycle in and out of poverty at different points in their lives. They may be suburbanites, for example, or the working poor or the laid off.
In 2011, that snapshot showed 12.6% of adults in their prime working-age years of 25-60 lived in poverty. But measured in terms of a person's lifetime risk, a much higher number — 4 in 10 adults — falls into poverty for at least a year of their lives.
The risks of poverty also have been increasing in recent decades, particularly among people ages 35-55, coinciding with widening income inequality. For instance, people ages 35-45 had a 17% risk of encountering poverty during the 1969-1989 time period; that risk increased to 23% during the 1989-2009 period. For those ages 45-55, the risk of poverty jumped from 11.8% to 17.7%.
Higher recent rates of unemployment mean the lifetime risk of experiencing economic insecurity now runs even higher: 79%, or 4 in 5 adults, by the time they turn 60.
By race, nonwhites still have a higher risk of being economically insecure, at 90 percent. But compared with the official poverty rate, some of the biggest jumps under the newer measure are among whites, with more than 76% enduring periods of joblessness, life on welfare or near-poverty.
By 2030, based on the current trend of widening income inequality, close to 85% of all working-age adults in the U.S. will experience bouts of economic insecurity.
"Poverty is no longer an issue of 'them', it's an issue of 'us'," says Mark Rank, a professor at Washington University in St. Louis who calculated the numbers. "Only when poverty is thought of as a mainstream event, rather than a fringe experience that just affects blacks and Hispanics, can we really begin to build broader support for programs that lift people in need."
The numbers come from Rank's analysis being published by the Oxford University Press. They are supplemented with interviews and figures provided to the AP by Tom Hirschl, a professor at Cornell University; John Iceland, a sociology professor at Penn State University; the University of New Hampshire's Carsey Institute; the U.S. Census Bureau; and the Population Reference Bureau.
Among the findings:
—For the first time since 1975, the number of white single-mother households living in poverty with children surpassed or equaled black ones in the past decade, spurred by job losses and faster rates of out-of-wedlock births among whites. White single-mother families in poverty stood at nearly 1.5 million in 2011, comparable to the number for blacks. Hispanic single-mother families in poverty trailed at 1.2 million.
—Since 2000, the poverty rate among working-class whites has grown faster than among working-class nonwhites, rising 3 percentage points to 11% as the recession took a bigger toll among lower-wage workers. Still, poverty among working-class nonwhites remains higher, at 23%.
—The share of children living in high-poverty neighborhoods — those with poverty rates of 30% or more — has increased to 1 in 10, putting them at higher risk of teenage pregnancy or dropping out of school. Non-Hispanic whites accounted for 17% of the child population in such neighborhoods, compared with 13% in 2000, even though the overall proportion of white children in the U.S. has been declining.
The share of black children in high-poverty neighborhoods dropped from 43% to 37%, while the share of Latino children went from 38% to 39%.
—Race disparities in health and education have narrowed generally since the 1960s. While residential segregation remains high, a typical black person now lives in a nonmajority black neighborhood for the first time. Previous studies have shown that wealth is a greater predictor of standardized test scores than race; the test-score gap between rich and low-income students is now nearly double the gap between blacks and whites.
———
Going back to the 1980s, never have whites been so pessimistic about their futures, according to the General Social Survey, a biannual survey conducted at the University of Chicago. Just 45% say their family will have a good chance of improving their economic position based on the way things are in America.
The divide is especially evident among those whites who self-identify as working class: 49% say they think their children will do better than them, compared with 67% of nonwhites who consider themselves working class, even though the economic plight of minorities tends to be worse.
Although they are a shrinking group, working-class whites — defined as those lacking a college degree — remain the biggest demographic bloc of the working-age population. In 2012, Election Day exit polls conducted for the AP and the television networks showed working-class whites made up 36% of the electorate, even with a notable drop in white voter turnout.
Last November, Obama won the votes of just 36% of those non-college whites, the worst performance of any Democratic nominee among that group since Republican Ronald Reagan's 1984 landslide victory over Walter Mondale.
Some Democratic analysts have urged renewed efforts to bring working-class whites into the political fold, calling them a potential "decisive swing voter group" if minority and youth turnout level off in future elections. "In 2016, GOP messaging will be far more focused on expressing concern for 'the middle class' and 'average Americans,'" Andrew Levison and Ruy Teixeira wrote recently in The New Republic.
"They don't trust big government, but it doesn't mean they want no government," says Republican pollster Ed Goeas, who agrees that working-class whites will remain an important electoral group. His research found that many of them would support anti-poverty programs if focused broadly on job training and infrastructure investment. This past week, Obama pledged anew to help manufacturers bring jobs back to America and to create jobs in the energy sectors of wind, solar and natural gas.
"They feel that politicians are giving attention to other people and not them," Goeas said.
Copyright 2013 The Associated Press. All rights reserved. This material may not be published, broadcast, rewritten or redistributed.